However, in deriving these properties we have not yet considered the fact that urban land use and built space become increasingly structured as settlements grow. Specifically, settlements become organized in terms of access networks streets, canals, paths and places, which include locations of work and residence as well as public spaces [ 80 ]. This leads to a characteristic topology of cities, set by the spatial relationship among places and access networks that characterizes all cities, regardless of their specific geometry [ 68 ].
This means that the relevant space for social interactions in cities is set by its access network. We designate the total area of this network A n , and compute it via a decentralized infrastructure network model, which predicts that the area of network per individual is set by the length scale derived from the density n see [ 55 ] , as 2 where l is a length scale measuring the width of the network at each end-place e. This results in a new spatial equilibrium model for a networked settlement. Such a model predicts many of the characteristics of modern cities [ 81 ], in broad agreement with empirical observations.
It also applies to at least some settlement systems in antiquity, such as those of the Pre-Columbian Basin of Mexico and Central Andes [ 56 , 57 , 82 ]. Relative to models from urban economics, scaling theory has the advantage of not requiring the specification of production functions or utility functions accounting for the behavior of firms or consumers.
Instead, increasing returns to scale in the productivity of cities—the fact that Y increases per capita with city size—derives from network effects and their scope for the specialization of knowledge and labor. A production function for settlements, showing increasing returns to scale, can then be derived as an emergent property of these socioeconomic networks embedded in the structured spaces of each settlement [ 76 ].
For the analysis carried out in the remainder of this paper, two properties of the social reactor model are especially important. First, this model predicts the settled area of a city or town in a given urban system should increase with its population, on average, with an exponent where the lower range would correspond to amorphous settlements, typically small sites, and the upper value to the fine measurement of all built up surfaces in structured settlements.
The second property derives from the extent to which social interactions are structured by group affiliations. We turn to this issue next. We now show how social groups and institutions can mediate social interactions and introduce further constraints to urban networks that can change basic scaling relations quantitatively. There are many ways in which social groups can condition individual social interactions. Our aim here is to build a simple model that will allow us to modulate the predictions of the previous subsection away from the simple assumption of full social mixing.
Fig 1A. Such institutions may be formal, in the sense of guilds and parishes, or they may be more informal such as kinship groups, ethnicity, and social class. Taken together, these different group affiliations may restrict interaction between individuals beyond the constraints imposed by distance and transportation costs discussed above. A An unstructured network where anyone can in principle connect with anyone else, subject to limitations deriving from cost of movement.
B A structured socioeconomic network. To quantify the effects of social and economic groups, consider again a settlement with a population of size N. We assume that each individual in the settlement belongs primarily to a single group at the lowest level, and that through this group connections may also belong indirectly to other groups at higher levels of the hierarchy.
In practice, this means that although people can in principle interact with others simply by moving over space, as in the social reactor model, they will not do so if their group affiliations are incompatible. That is, beyond the local level—the household—we assume that possible social interactions are mediated by these groups only. The hierarchy of groups in Fig 1B is parameterized by h levels and at each level we assume that b connections are possible. Thus, b is the average branching ratio in this hierarchical network. This is similar to an organizational chart for a company, and thus, suggests conceptualizing the city in analogy to a classical firm [ 84 ].
Clearly, even a hierarchy such as that depicted in Fig 1B allows every individual to make contact with any other, in principle, through higher nodes groups in this structure. This results in a more divided social network, with institutions as the gatekeepers for contact between individuals. This number, like b , is in general specific to each relationship, leading to a more complicated but straightforward generalization of the model that we do not pursue here.
The hierarchy depicted in Fig 1B is a simple instance of a more general situation long studied by social scientists; namely, the relationship between social position, power and control [ 85 , 86 ]. We emphasize that this model does not equate to the mere existence of hierarchical institutions, a pervasive situation in both pre-modern and modern societies.
Rather, the structured social interaction model supposes that there are fewer social interactions that occur outside of these hierarchical networks. It is also important to note that, if such restrictions would be circumscribed to only negative interactions, such as violence, or if these institutions could reduce the cost of interactions by acting as central places or clearing-houses, they could instead contribute to stronger agglomeration effects.
Many modern institutions, such as universities, are built with the intention of promoting positive social interactions, related to innovation and economic growth, beyond what is possible by chance within a city [ 87 ]. To see this, consider the number of interactions for a typical individual. The total number of connections of an individual, at a given level of dampening, is then the sum of the finite geometric series 3.
The Making of Polities: Europe, – - John Watts - Google книги
If we write the productivity of a city as proportional to its connectivity [ 88 , 89 ], and use the expressions from the social reactor model above , we conclude that, in the case when the restrictive effect of institutions is small but non-zero, the built up area of the city scales as: 5. This shows how hierarchical institutions that limit social opportunities weaken and can even destroy socioeconomic agglomeration effects, spatial densification and ultimately cities themselves. Although the structured interactions model is an extension of urban scaling, and reduces to it as the restrictive effects of groups vanish, its strong consequences are measurable if we observe linear scaling of settled area with population in any urban system.
While it remains true that such an effect could be due to other forms of segregation, it allows us to at least identify situations where the socioeconomic restrictions from strong group affiliation could be at play, an interesting question in the context of medieval European cities. By the early fourteenth century, the urban systems of Western Europe had undergone centuries of continuous socioeconomic and demographic development. These mature urban networks performed many key political and economic functions for the polities and economies in which they were embedded.
While some city dwellers engaged in supplementary food production and other extractive pursuits, by the fourteenth century urban populations were fully engaged in non-agricultural production—and dependent on market exchange to meet their subsistence needs [ 3 — 7 , 14 , 23 , 45 , 47 , 90 — 92 ]. Thus, as nodes of exchange, consumption, and production within wider urban systems, medieval European cities supported interdependent economic networks that facilitated a well-developed division of labor [ 3 — 6 , 11 , 13 — 15 , 18 , 46 , 64 , 93 ].
Many landed aristocrats, clergy, and wealthy merchants resided in cities and stimulated demand for the provision of luxury goods and services. Elites created networks of market-based patronage, connecting themselves to urban specialists like traders, middlemen, artisans, and skilled laborers to service this demand. Elites often controlled urban craft industries, using urban labor to manufacture goods for export such as textiles, clothing, leather goods, and metals. These sectors in-turn stimulated considerable demand for agricultural produce and other basic goods and services, which were facilitated by market-based transport and construction, skilled craftsmen, and retail middlemen [ 3 — 7 , 10 , 13 — 16 , 18 , 45 , 46 , 90 , 94 ].
The strong hierarchical interdependence of these networks both created and required frequent and intense social interaction, but it is unclear how fluid such networks were regarding social and economic mobility. In addition to economic networks, the hierarchical networks that constituted the urban division of labor were organized into tightly-integrated sociopolitical institutions that controlled the flow of people, goods, and information. Guilds integrated the sociopolitical networks of economically-defined trades, craft industries, merchant communities, and civil governments burgesses, burghers, bourgeoisie, etc.
Likewise, Catholic parishes integrated the sociopolitical networks of spatially-defined neighborhoods of households, providing a basal infrastructure for ecclesiastical governance. The social and economic life of most individuals was strongly constrained by the household, which formed the social and spatial context for work and life.
Taken together, patronage, households, guilds, and parishes were responsible for the local provision of public goods, thereby extending their reach into all facets of social life [ 4 — 7 , 46 , 48 , 49 , 95 , 96 ]. The extent to which these institutions determined the social and economic networks in medieval cities is an important question that we address here via scaling analysis.
Having undergone roughly two centuries of continuous growth, the spatial morphology of mature medieval cities ca. Because people lived where they worked, urban economies largely determined the spatial patterns of urban demography. In general, commerce and key urban institutions were most concentrated in dense urban nuclei—largely relegating industry trades towards the suburban periphery [ 1 , 4 — 8 , 97 ]. Commercial intensification generally led to more dense usage of core urban space.
Different socioeconomic groups were often spatially segregated within settlements ca. But as cities grew over the following centuries, the growing elite demand for luxury goods and services increasingly led to the diffusion of craft specialists and artisans throughout core urban neighborhoods. Likewise, the expanded urban need for basic goods and services promoted the diffusion of their providers into core areas as well.
The resulting modular, vertically-integrated socioeconomic neighborhoods thus became increasingly dense, with the poorest households living in attics, along back alleys, and in the rear of lots. This process was especially prominent in larger cities, political capitals, and mercantile centers swollen with more aristocrats, merchants, and clergy [ 4 — 8 , 46 , 97 — ]. At the same time, other factors promoted spatial diffusion via suburban expansion. Foremost among these was the spatial segregation of economic sectors.
Environmentally problematic trades like butchers were often located nearer the periphery. The transport logistics and storage of bulk commodity trade often necessitated a location nearer to peripheral warehouses, harbors, and riverfronts. The powerful occupational guilds of major craft industries e. These processes of diffusion were more prevalent in larger cities with bigger and more diverse economies [ 4 — 8 , 46 , 97 — ]. Thus, in general, the population density of medieval European settlements was related to the intensity of social interaction—ultimately stemming from the spatial unity of household and occupation.
Whereas commercial intensification resulted in dense nuclear agglomeration, the need or desire for social isolation and segregation resulted in diffuse suburbanization. The two general trends outlined above were systematically mitigated by other factors that imposed spatial limitations. Aside from variation in local topography, the urgency of fortification and the capacity to expand city walls were paramount. Typically enclosed by walls to some extent, the suburban sprawl of fourteenth century cities could sometimes extend beyond the walls for a kilometer or more [ 4 — 8 , 97 , 98 , — ].
Because they also constrained the flow of trade, some towns built walls well beyond their settled areas, enabling intra-mural suburban sprawl. In contrast, cities whose spatial expansion was restricted by walls were generally much denser, as expanding the walls was expensive and took time. Old walls were rarely torn down—instead providing a framework for the polynuclear internal division of neighborhoods, parishes, and quarters that further circumscribed the growth of core urban space [ 4 — 6 , 8 , 53 , 99 , , ]. As such, the relative size and age of medieval cities was correlated with population density.
Historians have noted important differences among the cities of medieval Western European regions. It is important to highlight the differences among regional urban systems because they influenced the character and productivity of intra-urban social networks, their embodiment in urban space, and thus the scaling relations we investigate [ 64 , 65 , 78 ].
To account for this variation, we divide our database into four regional urban systems in the analyses that follow, in addition to considering the dataset as a whole. Fig 2 shows the locations of the urban system groupings we examine ca. Medieval towns and cities of Western Europe ca. Regional patterning in the factors discussed above may have been most important for structuring intra-urban spatial modes of social network organization.
The resulting regional groupings used in our analysis are justified and contextualized below. In the S1 Appendix we investigate the effects of historically-plausible groupings using alternative criteria and find that they have little effect on our results. We therefore present our results for the most historically valid groupings in the main text, and interested readers can explore this issue further using the S1 Appendix , S1 Main Data , and S1 Supplemental Data.
The cities of Northern Italy formed a distinctive network of historically tethered and strongly interconnected city states. With a long history of urban growth, Northern Italy was one of the most heavily urbanized regions of Europe by AD [ 11 , ]; see Fig 2. Regardless of whether they were directly controlled by landed aristocrats or merchant elites, political and economic power was concentrated in relatively few hands. With this hegemonic power, Italian city-state capitals dominated their political subordinates through redistribution, institutional privileges, and monopoly.
This ensured that commodities, capital, and labor flowed into capitals at the expense of minor centers [ 4 — 6 , 14 , 16 , 50 , 51 , 93 , , ]. Italian cities were also major centers of guild-based textile manufacturing and craft production in artisanal suburbs [ 4 , 5 , 11 , 13 — 16 , 93 , , ].
However, because larger Italian cities dominated their smaller neighbors politically and militarily, walls imposed a crucial constraint on the spatial growth of suburbs in most cities [ 4 — 6 , 14 , 16 , 99 , , ]. Taken together, the commercial integration, abundance of capital city loci of elite demand, necessity of walls for spatial expansion, and long-term demographic scale of Italian cities ca.
Unlike the Italian city-states, larger cities in Germany dominated regional urban economies through protective trade policies and industrial monopolies as opposed to direct political and military control. Membership in urban confederations like the Hanseatic and Rhenish Leagues further reinforced the economic prowess of large commercial centers by securing long-distance trade routes, providing shared juridical enforcement, and enforcing mutually beneficial protective trade policies at within the wider urban system [ 4 — 6 , 18 ]. Expanding along continental and Baltic-North Sea trade routes, major urban centers across Germany developed mature commercial economies, and capital and labor markets that commanded long distance trade flows [ 4 — 6 , 99 ].
Despite their confederation, however, the cities of Germany remained parts of multiple rival and sometimes hostile polities. The combined importance of trade and occasional defense thus made wall expansion around suburbs a priority among German cities, although not to the same degree as in Italy [ 4 — 6 , ].
The political institutions of English cities were increasingly controlled by the enfranchised merchant elites burgesses of independent municipalities by ca. In contrast to the political privileges of Italian city-state capitals, the English urban network developed decentralized market-based interdependencies among both large and small towns [ 14 , 15 , 45 , 90 , 91 , 95 , 96 , ]. Larger English cities became central nodes in a mature urban economic hierarchy [ 14 , 15 , 43 — 45 , 90 , 91 , 94 , ] in which capital investment and the economic integration of gentry, clergy, and merchants were increasingly incentivized [ 15 , — ].
This resulted in booming craft industries and commercial specialization [ 15 , 45 , 90 , , ]. Domestic demand for these grew [ 15 , 45 , 90 , 94 , 95 ], and rural migrants poured into growing urban labor markets [ 14 , 95 , , , ]. The combined magnitude of trade, industry, and urban growth translated into extensive urban growth.
With few military threats, the suburban sprawl of most English cities remained unenclosed and largely uninhibited [ 8 , 97 , 98 , , ]. As in England, the cities of the vast Capetian French polity and its vassals experienced enormous growth and integration during thirteenth century. The crown enfranchised urban merchant elites bourgeois with political freedoms and economic incentives, which stimulated the rapid development of urban craft industries, trade, and commercial specialization to meet the demand of the growing French aristocracy [ 4 , 10 , 46 , 52 ].
Capetian vassals also retained formal control over political and economic policies, which played a key role in the success of pivotal urban commercial institutions like the Champagne fairs [ 10 , 52 ]. Likewise, the expansion of Capetian political and economic interests into central and southern France saw the rapid integration of these regions into the French urban system via the enfranchisement of existing urban centers and the establishment new, planned towns bastides [ 46 , 52 , 59 , — ].
Given the backdrop of Capetian military hegemony, cities across France neglected to enclose their rapidly expanding suburban sprawl [ 4 — 6 , 99 , , ]. By the late thirteenth century, the centralizing reforms of Phillip IV—which retracted city self-government charters, centralized urban administration under the aristocracy, and restricted the flow of trade through the Champagne fairs—further cemented the integration of the French urban system [ 4 — 6 , 10 , 46 , 52 , ].
Like the other neighbors of Capetian France, the cities of modern Belgium, specifically Flanders, Artois, Hainault, Brabant, and Wallonia, were increasingly integrated into the French urban network during the thirteenth century. To be sure, urban self-governance in the Low Countries played a major role in the development of urban capital and labor markets, extensive craft and textile industries, commercial institutions, and long-distance trade [ 4 , 18 , 53 , ].
But the Capetian monarchy repeatedly tried to impose vassalage and annexation on both free cities and seigneurial counties across Artois, Hainault, and Flanders from the late twelfth to the early fourteenth centuries. These areas became increasingly dependent on French grain, access to the Champagne fairs, and French demand for urban manufactures.
Indeed, the regional economic disruption caused by the reforms of Philip IV and his repeated invasions of, and compromises with Flanders only served to further integrate the region [ 4 , 5 , 10 , 46 , 53 , , ]. Because of the need for defense and to control trade, wealthier cities in the Low Countries were often characterized by extensive walled circuits—if they bothered to extend their walls at all—which enabled indefinite suburban growth [ 4 — 6 , 53 , , ].
The Making of Polities: Europe, 1300-1500
To evaluate the the data against the predictions of the two models developed above, we compare OLS regression parameters of the log-transformed population and settled area estimates. More specifically, the log-linear OLS estimates for the two regression parameters are directly compared to the corresponding theoretical expectation. As noted above, the predictions and confidence intervals of the two models overlap, so we can only exclude the structured interactions model in the limit of strong segregation. Although this inhibits statistical hypothesis testing, if hierarchical institutions have a dampening impact on social interaction, we would expect the scaling exponent of the urban system to be systematically closer to 1.
Gaussian white noise. Estimations were done using R version 3. Scatter plots for the dependent versus independent variables show linear relationships indicating that the model is not misspecified for either the regional urban systems Fig 3 or the pooled data Fig 4. The regression results for four regional European urban settlement systems, and the pooled dataset, are given in Table 1. Thus, medieval cities across Western Europe exhibit, on average, economies of scale with respect to spatial agglomeration such that larger cities were denser on average.
It is notable that the estimated prefactors cluster quite closely together, with point estimates for the prefactors varying only between 0. According to the models above, a should vary in accordance with differences in the relationship of interaction benefits to intra-settlement transportation costs across urban systems. Since transportation technology was relatively constant across medieval Europe, any differences in the scaling prefactor should reflect differences in the productivity of social interaction.
In general, this suggests that average net benefits of social interaction were relatively constant across Western Europe ca. More importantly, the scaling coefficients are quite similar across regional urban systems and ithe pooled data , with point estimates varying between 0. For this reason we cannot detect evidence for socioeconomic interaction-dampening caused by hierarchical institutions.
Nevertheless, the consistent values of the estimated scaling exponents imply that average net socioeconomic interaction benefits fell within the modern range and were not dampened towards unity. This suggests the hierarchical institutions of medieval urban systems did not have a strongly-restrictive impact on urban socioeconomic interactions, at least along the lines predicted by the structured interactions model in the aggregate population-area relationship of these settlements. In the S1 Appendix we demonstrate that variation in both estimated regression parameters is so low across groups that any differences between them are not statistically significant S1.
For this reason, we refrain from interpreting the differences in estimated parameter values among urban systems. Despite their many structural differences, and a temporal distance of years, medieval urban centers share at least one basic similarity with modern cities: larger settlements have higher population densities than their smaller counterparts within a given urban system. Overall, the data conform to the expectations of the social reactor model, as the population-area relation does not provide evidence for disappearing scaling effects.
Even though medieval cities were structured by hierarchical institutions that are ostensibly not so dominant today, we interpret this finding as excluding a strongly segregating role for medieval social institutions. This would suggest that the institutions of Western European urban systems ca. We take these findings as an indication that the underlying micro-level social dynamics of medieval cities were fundamentally similar to those of contemporary cities.
Notwithstanding their many structural and functional differences, and contrasting macro-level processes that influenced urbanization in each regional system, both medieval and modern cities appear to be characterized by social networks that become increasingly spatially-dense as they grow. The results presented here also have contextual implications for understanding urbanization in Western Europe ca.
In particular, the prevalence of strong spatial agglomeration across fairly diverse urban systems implies that inter-regional differences were limited in their consequences. As noted above, Italian cities might have been expected to exhibit stronger densification with city size due to numerous capital cities, many centuries of organic urban growth, and circumscription by defensive walls.
But the observation of statistically indistinguishable agglomeration effects in England, France and Belgium—with uninhibited suburbs, fewer political capitals, and a much larger proportion of relatively young cities—suggests that the common process of commercial integration and concomitant demographic nucleation was the primary driver of this trend. Even though larger cities had greater impulses toward suburbanization, larger cities were nevertheless increasingly dense.
As such, the forces that caused agglomeration outweighed those causing suburbanization and segregation. Based on the assumption that the observed demographic-spatial agglomeration was driven by socioeconomic network effects, it might therefore be argued that the net impact of medieval urban institutions was to increase per capita interaction rates in order to facilitate greater organizational efficiency, productivity, and functional diversity. This emphasis on intra-urban interaction in no way negates the influence of macro-level urban system dynamics on the historical evolution of those urban systems.
Rather, we argue that urban system dynamics emerge precisely because of the capacity of cities to facilitate greater social interaction and productivity [ 78 ]. Indeed, medieval European urban systems were central to the development of socioeconomic and political institutions that expanded the division and coordination of labor, centralized networks of commodity flows, and intensified political and economic organization [ 1 , 3 — 6 , 9 — 18 , 24 , 27 ]. These systemic processes are well documented in historical sources, and our analysis offers a quantitative model for the intra-urban causes of their emergence.
The similar quantitative relationship between areal extent and population size exhibited by medieval European urban systems and contemporary urban systems also suggests that modern and medieval cities may share similar underlying social processes. In this way, theories of contemporary urban processes e. But rather than assuming that modern theories either do or do not apply to the past, this approach forces us to consider how and why past social, economic, and political conditions impacted the structure and dynamics urban systems. By providing an analytical framework and a set of theoretical expectations, scaling analysis can make contributions to a wide variety of topics in social and economic history.
Indeed, settlement scaling theory operates in terms of quantities that are common to human settlements regardless of time and place, similar to rank-size analysis and the methods of central place theory. With larger and more comprehensive datasets it may be possible to compare scaling relations across smaller urban regions, which may shed light on important differences among them.
Accessibly written and authoritative, this book offers distinctive perspectives on a formative period in European history. This major survey of political life in late medieval Europe provides a framework for understanding the developments that shaped this turbulent period.
Rather than emphasising crisis, decline, disorder or the birth of the modern state, this account centres on the mixed results of political and governmental growth across the continent. The age of the Hundred Years War, schism and revolt was also a time of rapid growth in jurisdiction, taxation and representation, of spreading literacy and evolving political technique. This mixture of state formation and political convulsion lay at the heart of the 'making of polities'.
Offering a full introduction to political events and processes from the fourteenth century to the sixteenth, this book combines a broad, comparative account with discussion of individual regions and states, including eastern and northern Europe alongside the more familiar west and south. This is a major survey of the barbarian migrations and their role in the fall of the Roman Empire and the creation of early medieval Europe, one of the key events in European history.
Unlike previous studies it integrates historical and archaeological evidence and discusses Britain, Ireland, mainland Europe and North Africa, demonstrating that the Roman Empire and its neighbours were inextricably linked. A narrative account of the turbulent fifth and early sixth centuries is followed by a description of society and politics during the migration period and an analysis of the mechanisms of settlement and the changes of identity.
Guy Halsall reveals that the creation and maintenance of kingdoms and empires was impossible without the active involvement of people in the communities of Europe and North Africa. He concludes that, contrary to most opinions, the fall of the Roman Empire produced the barbarian migrations, not vice versa. Medieval Russia, — 2nd edition Janet Martin https: This revised edition is a concise, yet comprehensive narrative of the history of Russia from the reign of Vladimir I the Saint, through to the reign of Ivan IV the Terrible.
Supplementing the original edition with results of recently published scholarship as well as her own research, Janet Martin emphasizes the dynamics of Russia's political evolution from the loose federation of principalities known as Kievan Rus' through the era of Mongol domination to the development of the Muscovite state. Her analyses of the ruling dynasty, of economic influences on political development, and her explorations of society, foreign relations, religion, and culture provide a basis for understanding the transformations of the lands of Rus'.
Her lines of argument are clear and coherent; her conclusions and interpretations are provocative. The result is an informative, accessible, up-to-date account that will be of interest to both students and specialists of early Rus'. The Byzantine Economy Angeliki E. This is a concise survey of the economy of the Byzantine Empire from the fourth century AD to the fall of Constantinople in Organised chronologically, the book addresses key themes such as demography, agriculture, manufacturing and the urban economy, trade, monetary developments, and the role of the state and ideology.
It provides a comprehensive overview of the economy with an emphasis on the economic actions of the state and the productive role of the city and non-economic actors, such as landlords, artisans and money-changers. The final chapter compares the Byzantine economy with the economies of western Europe and concludes that the Byzantine economy was one of the most successful examples of a mixed economy in the pre-industrial world.
This is the only concise general history of the Byzantine economy and will be essential reading for students of economic history, Byzantine history and medieval history more generally. Between the years AD and , western Christendom absorbed by conquest and attracted through immigration a growing number of Jews. This community was to make a valuable contribution to rapidly developing European civilisation but was also to suffer some terrible setbacks, culminating in a series of expulsions from the more advanced westerly areas of Europe.
At the same time, vigorous new branches of world Jewry emerged and a rich new Jewish cultural legacy was created. In this important historical synthesis, Robert Chazan discusses the Jewish experience over a year period across the entire continent of Europe. As well as being the story of medieval Jewry, the book simultaneously illuminates important aspects of majority life in Europe during this period.
This book is essential reading for all students of medieval Jewish history and an important reference for any scholar of medieval Europe. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages stood at a crossroads of trade and crusading routes and fell within the spheres of influence of both the Byzantine Orthodox Church and Latin Christendom.
This authoritative survey draws on historical and archaeological sources in the narration of years of the history of the region, including Romania, southern Ukraine, southern Hungary, Croatia, Slovenia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Albania and Greece. Exploring the social, political and economic changes marking the transition from late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, this book addresses important themes such as the rise of medieval states, the conversion to Christianity, the monastic movement inspired by developments in Western Europe and in Byzantium, and the role of material culture architecture, the arts and objects of daily life in the representation of power.
The Carolingian Economy Adriaan Verhulst https: This book is about the economy of the Carolingian empire — , which extended from the Pyrenees and the northern shores of the Mediterranean to the North Sea, and from the Atlantic coast to the Elbe and Saale rivers. It is the first comprehensive evaluation of the topic in English in over twenty years. The study of the Carolingian empire as an economic rather than a political entity can be justified both because of the major interference of political authority in the economy, and because of the distinctive economic characteristic of growth; and while some regions within the empire had a much more developed economy than others, the whole period is basically one of economic expansion, in parallel with the cultural upheaval of the 'Carolingian Renaissance'.
Medieval Economic Thought Diana Wood https: This book is an introduction to medieval economic thought, mainly from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, as it emerges from the works of academic theologians and lawyers and other sources - from Italian merchants' writings to vernacular poetry, Parliamentary legislation, and manorial court rolls. It raises a number of questions based on the Aristotelian idea of the mean, the balance and harmony underlying justice, as applied by medieval thinkers to the changing economy.
How could private ownership of property be reconciled with God's gift of the earth to all in common? How could charity balance resources between rich and poor? During the 11th and 12th centuries, these lands, or fiefs , came to be considered hereditary, and in most areas they were no longer divisible between all the heirs as had been the case in the early medieval period. Instead, most fiefs and lands went to the eldest son. Control of castles allowed the nobles to defy kings or other overlords. Beneath them, lesser nobles had authority over smaller areas of land and fewer people.
Knights were the lowest level of nobility; they controlled but did not own land, and had to serve other nobles. The clergy was divided into two types: the secular clergy , who lived out in the world, and the regular clergy , who lived under a religious rule and were usually monks. The local parish priests were often drawn from the peasant class. During the 12th and 13th centuries, the ranks of the townsmen expanded greatly as existing towns grew and new population centres were founded.
Jews also spread across Europe during the period. Communities were established in Germany and England in the 11th and 12th centuries, but Spanish Jews , long settled in Spain under the Muslims, came under Christian rule and increasing pressure to convert to Christianity. Women in the Middle Ages were officially required to be subordinate to some male, whether their father, husband, or other kinsman.
Widows, who were often allowed much control over their own lives, were still restricted legally. Women's work generally consisted of household or other domestically inclined tasks. Peasant women were usually responsible for taking care of the household, child-care, as well as gardening and animal husbandry near the house. They could supplement the household income by spinning or brewing at home. At harvest-time, they were also expected to help with field-work. What trades were open to women varied by country and period. The only role open to women in the Church was that of nuns , as they were unable to become priests.
In central and northern Italy and in Flanders , the rise of towns that were to a degree self-governing stimulated economic growth and created an environment for new types of trade associations. Commercial cities on the shores of the Baltic entered into agreements known as the Hanseatic League , and the Italian Maritime republics such as Venice , Genoa , and Pisa expanded their trade throughout the Mediterranean. New forms of commercial contracts emerged, allowing risk to be shared among merchants. Accounting methods improved, partly through the use of double-entry bookkeeping ; letters of credit also appeared, allowing easy transmission of money.
The High Middle Ages was the formative period in the history of the modern Western state. Kings in France, England, and Spain consolidated their power, and set up lasting governing institutions. During the early High Middle Ages, Germany was ruled by the Ottonian dynasty , which struggled to control the powerful dukes ruling over territorial duchies tracing back to the Migration period. In , they were replaced by the Salian dynasty , who famously clashed with the papacy under Emperor Henry IV r. A period of instability followed the death of Emperor Henry V r.
His court was famous for its scholars and he was often accused of heresy. Mongols first shattered the Kievan Rus' principalities and then invaded Eastern Europe in , , and This led to dissension among the English nobility, while John's financial exactions to pay for his unsuccessful attempts to regain Normandy led in to Magna Carta , a charter that confirmed the rights and privileges of free men in England. Under Henry III r. In Iberia, the Christian states, which had been confined to the north-western part of the peninsula, began to push back against the Islamic states in the south, a period known as the Reconquista.
In the 11th century, the Seljuk Turks took over much of the Middle East, occupying Persia during the s, Armenia in the s, and Jerusalem in The Turks were then free to invade Asia Minor, which dealt a dangerous blow to the Byzantine Empire by seizing a large part of its population and its economic heartland. Although the Byzantines regrouped and recovered somewhat, they never fully regained Asia Minor and were often on the defensive. The Turks also had difficulties, losing control of Jerusalem to the Fatimids of Egypt and suffering from a series of internal civil wars.
The crusades were intended to seize Jerusalem from Muslim control. Urban promised indulgence to anyone who took part. Tens of thousands of people from all levels of society mobilised across Europe and captured Jerusalem in These were especially brutal during the First Crusade,  when the Jewish communities in Cologne , Mainz , and Worms were destroyed, as well as other communities in cities between the rivers Seine and the Rhine.
The crusaders consolidated their conquests into crusader states. During the 12th and 13th centuries, there were a series of conflicts between them and the surrounding Islamic states. Appeals from the crusader states to the papacy led to further crusades,  such as the Third Crusade , called to try to regain Jerusalem, which had been captured by Saladin d. The Byzantines recaptured the city in , but never regained their former strength.
Popes called for crusades to take place elsewhere besides the Holy Land: in Spain, southern France, and along the Baltic. Although the Templars and Hospitallers took part in the Spanish crusades, similar Spanish military religious orders were founded, most of which had become part of the two main orders of Calatrava and Santiago by the beginning of the 12th century. These crusades also spawned a military order, the Order of the Sword Brothers. Another order, the Teutonic Knights , although founded in the crusader states, focused much of its activity in the Baltic after , and in moved its headquarters to Marienburg in Prussia.
During the 11th century, developments in philosophy and theology led to increased intellectual activity. There was debate between the realists and the nominalists over the concept of " universals ". Philosophical discourse was stimulated by the rediscovery of Aristotle and his emphasis on empiricism and rationalism. Scholars such as Peter Abelard d. In the late 11th and early 12th centuries cathedral schools spread throughout Western Europe, signalling the shift of learning from monasteries to cathedrals and towns.
This movement tried to employ a systemic approach to truth and reason  and culminated in the thought of Thomas Aquinas d. Chivalry and the ethos of courtly love developed in royal and noble courts. This culture was expressed in the vernacular languages rather than Latin, and comprised poems, stories, legends, and popular songs spread by troubadours , or wandering minstrels. Often the stories were written down in the chansons de geste , or "songs of great deeds", such as The Song of Roland or The Song of Hildebrand. Legal studies advanced during the 12th century.
Both secular law and canon law , or ecclesiastical law, were studied in the High Middle Ages. Secular law, or Roman law, was advanced greatly by the discovery of the Corpus Juris Civilis in the 11th century, and by Roman law was being taught at Bologna. This led to the recording and standardisation of legal codes throughout Western Europe. Canon law was also studied, and around a monk named Gratian fl. Among the results of the Greek and Islamic influence on this period in European history was the replacement of Roman numerals with the decimal positional number system and the invention of algebra , which allowed more advanced mathematics.
Astronomy advanced following the translation of Ptolemy 's Almagest from Greek into Latin in the late 12th century. Medicine was also studied, especially in southern Italy, where Islamic medicine influenced the school at Salerno. In the 12th and 13th centuries, Europe experienced economic growth and innovations in methods of production. Major technological advances included the invention of the windmill , the first mechanical clocks, the manufacture of distilled spirits , and the use of the astrolabe.
The development of a three-field rotation system for planting crops  [AA] increased the usage of land from one half in use each year under the old two-field system to two-thirds under the new system, with a consequent increase in production. Horses are faster than oxen and require less pasture, factors that aided the implementation of the three-field system. The construction of cathedrals and castles advanced building technology, leading to the development of large stone buildings.
Ancillary structures included new town halls, houses, bridges, and tithe barns. Other improvements to ships included the use of lateen sails and the stern-post rudder , both of which increased the speed at which ships could be sailed. In military affairs, the use of infantry with specialised roles increased. Along with the still-dominant heavy cavalry, armies often included mounted and infantry crossbowmen , as well as sappers and engineers.
Cannon were being used for sieges in the s, and hand-held guns were in use by the s. In the 10th century the establishment of churches and monasteries led to the development of stone architecture that elaborated vernacular Roman forms, from which the term "Romanesque" is derived.
Where available, Roman brick and stone buildings were recycled for their materials. From the tentative beginnings known as the First Romanesque , the style flourished and spread across Europe in a remarkably homogeneous form. Just before there was a great wave of building stone churches all over Europe.
Dodwell , "virtually all the churches in the West were decorated with wall-paintings", of which few survive. Romanesque art, especially metalwork, was at its most sophisticated in Mosan art , in which distinct artistic personalities including Nicholas of Verdun d. Large illuminated bibles and psalters were the typical forms of luxury manuscripts, and wall-painting flourished in churches, often following a scheme with a Last Judgement on the west wall, a Christ in Majesty at the east end, and narrative biblical scenes down the nave, or in the best surviving example, at Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe , on the barrel-vaulted roof.
From the early 12th century, French builders developed the Gothic style, marked by the use of rib vaults , pointed arches , flying buttresses , and large stained glass windows. It was used mainly in churches and cathedrals and continued in use until the 16th century in much of Europe.
During this period the practice of manuscript illumination gradually passed from monasteries to lay workshops, so that according to Janetta Benton "by most monks bought their books in shops",  and the book of hours developed as a form of devotional book for lay-people.
Metalwork continued to be the most prestigious form of art, with Limoges enamel a popular and relatively affordable option for objects such as reliquaries and crosses. Monastic reform became an important issue during the 11th century, as elites began to worry that monks were not adhering to the rules binding them to a strictly religious life.
It sought to maintain a high quality of spiritual life by placing itself under the protection of the papacy and by electing its own abbot without interference from laymen, thus maintaining economic and political independence from local lords. Monastic reform inspired change in the secular Church. The ideals upon which it was based were brought to the papacy by Pope Leo IX pope — , and provided the ideology of clerical independence that led to the Investiture Controversy in the late 11th century. This involved Pope Gregory VII pope —85 and Emperor Henry IV, who initially clashed over episcopal appointments, a dispute that turned into a battle over the ideas of investiture , clerical marriage, and simony.
The emperor saw the protection of the Church as one of his responsibilities as well as wanting to preserve the right to appoint his own choices as bishops within his lands, but the papacy insisted on the Church's independence from secular lords. These issues remained unresolved after the compromise of known as the Concordat of Worms. The dispute represents a significant stage in the creation of a papal monarchy separate from and equal to lay authorities. It also had the permanent consequence of empowering German princes at the expense of the German emperors.
The High Middle Ages was a period of great religious movements. Besides the Crusades and monastic reforms, people sought to participate in new forms of religious life. New monastic orders were founded, including the Carthusians and the Cistercians. The latter especially expanded rapidly in their early years under the guidance of Bernard of Clairvaux d. These new orders were formed in response to the feeling of the laity that Benedictine monasticism no longer met the needs of the laymen, who along with those wishing to enter the religious life wanted a return to the simpler hermetical monasticism of early Christianity, or to live an Apostolic life.
Old pilgrimage sites such as Rome, Jerusalem, and Compostela received increasing numbers of visitors, and new sites such as Monte Gargano and Bari rose to prominence. In the 13th century mendicant orders —the Franciscans and the Dominicans —who swore vows of poverty and earned their living by begging, were approved by the papacy. Others joined the Cathars , another heretical movement condemned by the papacy. In , a crusade was preached against the Cathars, the Albigensian Crusade , which in combination with the medieval Inquisition , eliminated them.
The first years of the 14th century were marked by famines, culminating in the Great Famine of — These troubles were followed in by the Black Death , a pandemic that spread throughout Europe during the following three years.
Towns were especially hard-hit because of their crowded conditions. Wages rose as landlords sought to entice the reduced number of available workers to their fields. Further problems were lower rents and lower demand for food, both of which cut into agricultural income. Urban workers also felt that they had a right to greater earnings, and popular uprisings broke out across Europe. The trauma of the plague led to an increased piety throughout Europe, manifested by the foundation of new charities, the self-mortification of the flagellants , and the scapegoating of Jews.
Society throughout Europe was disturbed by the dislocations caused by the Black Death. Lands that had been marginally productive were abandoned, as the survivors were able to acquire more fertile areas. Partly at the urging of landlords, governments attempted to legislate a return to the economic conditions that existed before the Black Death. Jewish communities were expelled from England in and from France in Although some were allowed back into France, most were not, and many Jews emigrated eastwards, settling in Poland and Hungary.
Many banking firms loaned money to royalty, at great risk, as some were bankrupted when kings defaulted on their loans. The long conflicts of the period strengthened royal control over their kingdoms and were extremely hard on the peasantry. Kings profited from warfare that extended royal legislation and increased the lands they directly controlled.
Throughout the 14th century, French kings sought to expand their influence at the expense of the territorial holdings of the nobility. Conversely, the Wars had a positive effect on English national identity , doing much to fuse the various local identities into a national English ideal. The conflict with France also helped create a national culture in England separate from French culture, which had previously been the dominant influence.
In modern-day Germany, the Holy Roman Empire continued to rule, but the elective nature of the imperial crown meant there was no enduring dynasty around which a strong state could form. The major power around the Baltic Sea was the Hanseatic League, a commercial confederation of city-states that traded from Western Europe to Russia. Although the Palaeologi emperors recaptured Constantinople from the Western Europeans in , they were never able to regain control of much of the former imperial lands. They usually controlled only a small section of the Balkan Peninsula near Constantinople, the city itself, and some coastal lands on the Black Sea and around the Aegean Sea.
The power of the Byzantine emperors was threatened by a new Turkish tribe, the Ottomans , who established themselves in Anatolia in the 13th century and steadily expanded throughout the 14th century. The Ottomans expanded into Europe, reducing Bulgaria to a vassal state by and taking over Serbia after its defeat at the Battle of Kosovo in Western Europeans rallied to the plight of the Christians in the Balkans and declared a new crusade in ; a great army was sent to the Balkans, where it was defeated at the Battle of Nicopolis.
During the tumultuous 14th century, disputes within the leadership of the Church led to the Avignon Papacy of —76,  also called the "Babylonian Captivity of the Papacy" a reference to the Babylonian captivity of the Jews ,  and then to the Great Schism , lasting from to , when there were two and later three rival popes, each supported by several states. Further depositions followed, and in November the council elected Martin V pope —31 as pope.
Besides the schism, the Western Church was riven by theological controversies, some of which turned into heresies. John Wycliffe d. The Hussite Church, although the target of a crusade, survived beyond the Middle Ages. The papacy further refined the practice in the Mass in the Late Middle Ages, holding that the clergy alone was allowed to partake of the wine in the Eucharist. This further distanced the secular laity from the clergy. The laity continued the practices of pilgrimages, veneration of relics, and belief in the power of the Devil. Mystics such as Meister Eckhart d.
Besides mysticism, belief in witches and witchcraft became widespread, and by the late 15th century the Church had begun to lend credence to populist fears of witchcraft with its condemnation of witches in and the publication in of the Malleus Maleficarum , the most popular handbook for witch-hunters. Their efforts undermined the prevailing Platonic idea of universals.
Ockham's insistence that reason operates independently of faith allowed science to be separated from theology and philosophy. The lone exception to this trend was in England, where the common law remained pre-eminent. Other countries codified their laws; legal codes were promulgated in Castile, Poland, and Lithuania. Education remained mostly focused on the training of future clergy.
The basic learning of the letters and numbers remained the province of the family or a village priest, but the secondary subjects of the trivium —grammar, rhetoric, logic—were studied in cathedral schools or in schools provided by cities. Commercial secondary schools spread, and some Italian towns had more than one such enterprise.
Universities also spread throughout Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries. Lay literacy rates rose, but were still low; one estimate gave a literacy rate of ten percent of males and one percent of females in The publication of vernacular literature increased, with Dante d. Much literature remained religious in character, and although a great deal of it continued to be written in Latin, a new demand developed for saints' lives and other devotional tracts in the vernacular languages.
In the early 15th century, the countries of the Iberian peninsula began to sponsor exploration beyond the boundaries of Europe. Prince Henry the Navigator of Portugal d. After his death, exploration continued; Bartolomeu Dias d. One of the major developments in the military sphere during the Late Middle Ages was the increased use of infantry and light cavalry. In agriculture, the increased usage of sheep with long-fibred wool allowed a stronger thread to be spun. In addition, the spinning wheel replaced the traditional distaff for spinning wool, tripling production.
Northern Europe and Spain continued to use Gothic styles, which became increasingly elaborate in the 15th century, until almost the end of the period. Although royalty owned huge collections of plate, little survives except for the Royal Gold Cup. In France and Flanders tapestry weaving of sets like The Lady and the Unicorn became a major luxury industry.
The large external sculptural schemes of Early Gothic churches gave way to more sculpture inside the building, as tombs became more elaborate and other features such as pulpits were sometimes lavishly carved, as in the Pulpit by Giovanni Pisano in Sant'Andrea. Painted or carved wooden relief altarpieces became common, especially as churches created many side-chapels. Early Netherlandish painting by artists such as Jan van Eyck d.
From about printed books rapidly became popular, though still expensive. There were around 30, different editions of incunabula , or works printed before ,  by which time illuminated manuscripts were commissioned only by royalty and a few others. Very small woodcuts , nearly all religious, were affordable even by peasants in parts of Northern Europe from the middle of the 15th century. More expensive engravings supplied a wealthier market with a variety of images. The medieval period is frequently caricatured as a "time of ignorance and superstition" that placed "the word of religious authorities over personal experience and rational activity.
Renaissance scholars saw the Middle Ages as a period of decline from the high culture and civilisation of the Classical world; Enlightenment scholars saw reason as superior to faith, and thus viewed the Middle Ages as a time of ignorance and superstition. Others argue that reason was generally held in high regard during the Middle Ages. Science historian Edward Grant writes, "If revolutionary rational thoughts were expressed [in the 18th century], they were only made possible because of the long medieval tradition that established the use of reason as one of the most important of human activities".
The caricature of the period is also reflected in some more specific notions. One misconception, first propagated in the 19th century  and still very common, is that all people in the Middle Ages believed that the Earth was flat. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about medieval Europe.
For a global history of the period between the 5th and 15th centuries, see Post-classical history. For other uses, see Middle Ages disambiguation. Period of European history from the 5th to the 15th century. Main article: Early Middle Ages. See also: Early medieval European dress and medieval cuisine. Main article: Early Muslim conquests. Expansion under Muhammad, — Expansion during the Patriarchal Caliphate, — Expansion during the Umayyad Caliphate, — Main article: Medieval economic history.
Main article: Christianity in the Middle Ages. Main articles: Francia and Carolingian Empire. Main article: Carolingian Renaissance. Territorial divisions of the Carolingian Empire in , , and See also: Byzantine—Arab wars — and Byzantine—Bulgarian wars. Main articles: Medieval art and Medieval architecture. Main article: High Middle Ages. Further information: Agriculture in the Middle Ages.
Main articles: Crusades , Reconquista , and Northern Crusades. Main articles: Renaissance of the 12th century , Medieval philosophy , Medieval literature , Medieval poetry , and Medieval medicine of Western Europe. Further information: List of medieval European scientists. Further information: Medieval architecture , Medieval art , and Medieval music.
Main articles: Gregorian Reform and Church and state in medieval Europe. Main article: Late Middle Ages. Main article: Crisis of the Late Middle Ages. See also: Europeans in Medieval China. See Dark Ages for a more complete historiography of this term. The revolt was triggered when one of the Roman military commanders attempted to take the Gothic leaders hostage but failed to secure all of them. It was adapted in the 19th century from a word used by the 2nd-century historian Tacitus to describe the close companions of a lord or king. If their sworn lord died, they were expected to fight to the death also.
Charles was deposed in and died in January They descended from serfs who had served as warriors or government officials, which increased status allowed their descendants to hold fiefs as well as become knights while still being technically serfs. Most German cities co-operated in the Hanseatic League, in contrast with the Italian city-states who engaged in internecine strife. In sieges the slowness is not as big a disadvantage, as the crossbowman can hide behind fortifications while reloading.
That refinement was not invented until the 15th century.